An Uncommon Dialogue

In years past, Dartmouth seniors were required to hold forth from the stage at commencement as a means of proving beyond a shadow of doubt that they had become true gentlemen-scholars. In the early years of the College, these recitations often predictably followed neoclassical conventions, with the students engaging in debate while adopting the roles of characters named Sage, Epicurus, Zeno, and so forth. These mock debates typically were concerned with such weighty matters as the true nature of beauty, aesthetic principles, or the origins of democracy.

However, one graduation speech by two members of the class of 1797, William B. Banister and Edward Little, contains an interesting divergence from the usual abstract recitations. The two seniors argue whether women are the equal of men in all areas of life. Little presents the traditional stereotypical viewpoint of the patriarchy, claiming:

Men have strong intellectual powers, great penetration, and solid judgement, and consequently are most fit to provide and govern; women have not so strong intellectual powers; but having greater sensibility, and being more easily persuaded, they are very amiable and pleasing under good government.

 Banister takes Little to task, however, and convinces him that women's abilities are equal to men's: the only difference is a lack of comparable education. Little finally capitulates, stating, "I confess I have been misguided by common opinion, blinded by prejudice, and tenacious in my errors."

One possible impetus for their interesting and novel debate may have been Mary Wollstonecraft's groundbreaking feminist text, A Vindication of the Rights of Woman. Published in 1792, Wollstonecraft's writing emphasized the necessity of a rational education for women, whom she argued were just as intellectually capable as men. The resonance between her and Banister's arguments is doubtless more than just coincidence: a first edition of Vindication, printed in Boston in 1792, was among the books available to Dartmouth students on the shelves of the United Fraternity's Library, one of their local lending institutions.

Still, although clearly drawing from Wollstonecraft's general premise, Little and Banister aren't quite ready to relinquish all power to the female sex. They both agree towards the end of the debate that it would be disastrous if women were to become lawyers, doctors, and politicians, irrationally making reference to women's constitutional "embarrassments" as a deciding factor. It would be another 175 years before Dartmouth implemented such a revolutionary concept by embracing co-education.

To see both the original manuscript and typescript versions of the commencement speech, ask for DA-43, Box 3112, Folder "1797."

To see Dartmouth's copy of Mary Wollstonecraft's A Vindication of the Rights of Women, ask to see Red Room HQ1596 .W6 1792a.

"A Man of Character"

In November 1959, Sinclair Weeks, former Secretary of Commerce under Eisenhower formalized a letter that he hoped would help his former colleague, Vice President Richard Nixon get elected in the 1960 presidential election. Weeks considered Nixon a friend and even though he had retired in 1958, Weeks remained influential in the Republican Party. The letter outlines Weeks' commitment to the cause of helping "to see to it that Dick Nixon is the next President of the United States." Tweaked by Nixon, the letter was sent to "people around the country who are or have been active in the political arena." Weeks had been active in Republican politics since the 1930s, first as the chairman of the Massachusetts Republican State Committee and its Finance Committee and later as the treasurer of the Republican National and Finance Committees. Nixon deeply appreciated Weeks' support and "loyal friendship." After Nixon's disastrous performance in the first ever televised presidential debates, Weeks sent a memo to Nixon outlining all the things he thought did not work in Nixon's favor:

First, and most importantly, whoever made you up did not, in my judgment, do a very good job. Personally, I would try someone else next time. Jack did better than I thought he would. He is very glib but, to one who thinks about it, he has not your depth nor poise.

He also counseled Nixon on not "agreeing" with Kennedy "too many times."

In the end, however, Nixon was not able to beat the youthful and charismatic Kennedy who was elected with a lead of 112,827 votes, or 0.17% of the popular vote, giving him a victory of 303 to 219 in Electoral College, the closest since 1916. In a 1961 letter to Weeks, Nixon admits that:

Losing the closest election in history was not a pleasant experience from a personal standpoint. But My greatest disappointment was that my efforts could not have been just that extra bit more effective which would have brought victory for those who worked so hard for our cause.

The papers of Sinclair Weeks have recently been reprocessed and the access to all of his correspondence has been improved. The papers chronicle Weeks' life as Mayor of Newton, Mass, Secretary of Commerce and businessman. You can access the collection via our electronic finding aid.

Constitutions

False imprints are always entertaining. So many reasons to lie on a title page! This French translation of each of the constitutions of the thirteen American colonies purports to have been printed in Philadelphia in 1783. There is no dispute about the date, and it is easy to imagine why the French might be particularly interested in the topic in 1783, but the place of publication is almost surely a lie. By why?

There are a couple of possibilities with this one.  First, it could be that claiming to be an American imprint lent the book an air of authenticity. It is about America, it came from America, therefore it must be accurate. More likely fear was a factor. French politics were so unstable at the time that what might be acceptable one year could get you beheaded the next. It could be that the Paris publisher was simply hiding behind an "import" brand to save his neck!

Come see for yourself by asking for Rare KF4530.U5513 1783.

Reframing History: "Did not the man span centuries of human progress!"

From the plantations of the south to the public school system of the nation's capital, Winfield Scott Montgomery's journey represents African Americans' fight for equality throughout the history of the United States.

Born a slave in 1853, Montgomery overcame his circumstances when he discovered a Vermont regiment of the Union Army stationed not far from his home in New Orleans. The presence of the northern soldiers gave him hope, and a ten-year-old Montgomery fled from the world of the whip to one of rifles. He traveled with the troops to Virginia, Vermont and Shenandoah. When Colonel Henry F. Dutton was wounded at the battle of Winchester and sent home to Vermont he brought Montgomery along with him and incorporated the young follower into his New England family.

After completing his elementary education, Montgomery attended the prestigious college preparatory school Leland and Gray Seminary in Townshend, Vermont. Then in 1873 he enrolled at the Big Green. Montgomery had to suspend his studies for a year due to financial difficulties, though he soon returned and graduated in 1878. While at Dartmouth he was a member of various student organizations including Phi Beta Kappa. As if his resume wasn't impressive enough at this point, Montgomery went on to study medicine at Howard University, receiving his degree in 1890.

Despite his medical degree, Montgomery pursued a career in education. He taught in Vermont, Washington, D.C. and at Alcorn University in Mississippi. Additionally, he held numerous administrative positions within the Washington D.C. public school system. He rose from Principal to Supervising Principal and eventually became Assistant Superintendent in Charge of Colored Schools before retiring in 1924 after 42 years of service.

Montgomery fought to provide educational opportunities to black students that equaled those enjoyed by white students. The Board of Education opened Washington High School for Colored Youth, or the M Street High School, in the 1870's. Throughout his career in D.C. Montgomery worked to ensure black students were prepared for secondary education by standardizing the instruction teachers offered students at the elementary level. He also elevated the curriculum at M Street to transform the school into an accredited institution. Not stopping there, Montgomery promoted the development of night schools, vacation schools, and fresh air schools, as well as catered classes to fit the needs of handicapped or special-needs students.

It is not surprising that Dartmouth granted Montgomery an honorary degree of Master of Arts in 1906 when his son, Wilder P. Montgomery, graduated from his alma mater. A pioneer in black education and equal rights in general, Montgomery endeavored to open opportunities for future generations through education. Winfield Scott Montgomery passed away on November 1928. He was 75. His obituary states: "did not the man span centuries of human progress!"

Ask for Montgomery's Alumni File, class of 1878.

Posted for Haley Shaw '15.

Saints' Days

This weekend's canonization ceremonies in Rome are a timely reminder of all of the amazing depictions of saints in our collection. Since Saint George's Day was earlier this week, we thought you might appreciate this image of George taking aim at an unsuspecting two-headed dragon nibbling on some grapes. It hardly seems a fair fight in this depiction from a book of hours produced in France around 1450. The scene surrounds an image of a David in prayer that introduces the penitential psalms.

This particular book of hours has many whimsical characters inhabiting its borders that provide a kind of comic response to the piety of the texts and images they frame.

To see it yourself, ask for Codex MS 003133.

"Mr. Jefferson wishes to destroy the constitution"

"Mr. Jefferson wishes to destroy the constitution of the United States." His administration will use its control of the post offices to "disseminate falsehood, sedition and atheism" and thereby "poison the minds, and destroy the morals of the people…"

These are among the imaginative claims made in an editorial in the Connecticut Courant, which was then highlighted in the September 15, 1800, edition of the Dartmouth Gazette. Not only did Moses Davis, the publisher of the Gazette, choose to include this article in his newspaper shortly before the election of 1800, but he printed this harangue against Thomas Jefferson on the front page. Burleigh, the author of the piece, further reveals his Federalist leanings by stressing the turmoil during the time of the Confederation. He claims it was a system to which Jefferson desired to return. He also disparages Jefferson's sympathies with France, and presents a glaring contrast between Jefferson and "the Great Man," President Washington. In 1777, the Continental Congress created the Articles of Confederation, which the thirteen original states all ratified by 1781. The Articles intentionally did not establish a strong centralized government, and when it became apparent that this system was inadequate to govern the nation, it was replaced by that crafted under the Constitution, which was collectively ratified by 1789.

Why were Burleigh and Davis interested in publishing an article against Jefferson that seems almost ridiculous to readers today? Clearly Burleigh was determined to paint a negative picture of this Republican candidate, and he had reason to be concerned. In the election of 1800 the Republicans, Thomas Jefferson and Aaron Burr, defeated the top Federalist candidate and incumbent, John Adams, finally breaking twelve years of Federalist reign. Despite the outcome of the election, Burleigh's piece reveals how the press had an important role in the developing political sphere of the early Republic. Without televised debates, political phone calls, or flashy bumper stickers, political deliberation often played out in writing. Newspapers were especially influential because they could make words both permanent and available to various people and communities. Davis's decision to feature Burleigh's article shows the political leanings of his readers—his goal was to sell newspapers after all, not merely to spread outrage.

But this election is also notable because it initially resulted in a tie, with Republicans Jefferson and Burr both receiving 73 electoral votes, and Federalists John Adams and C. C. Pinckney winning 65 and 64 electoral votes respectively. Since this was before Presidents and Vice Presidents came as a package deal as running mates, whichever candidate won the most votes would be declared President, and whoever came in second would become their VP. Due to the tie, the decision fell into the hands the House of Representatives, who would then vote as states. Ironically, thanks to the previous administrations, the House was filled with the Federalists, so neither Jefferson nor Burr was the Congressmen's first choice. It therefore took numerous (35 to be exact) votes to finally achieve a majority and elect the new "Mr. President."

During the interim between the general election and the deciding vote by the House, Hanover community leaders Bezaleel Woodward (Dartmouth College Treasurer) and John Wheelock (Dartmouth College President) further sported the Federalist spirit of New England in letters to their New Hampshire Congressman, Jonathan Freeman; however, they also appealed to their representative to support Jefferson. On January 23, 1801 Woodward wrote to Freeman calling the defeat of Adams "mortifying," yet he also proposed that "we may perhaps have some reason to hope what has been said & written will induce Mr. Jefferson to consult the true interests of the U.S." Similarly on February 14, 1801 Wheelock described how "The good old friends to the government in this quarter, and you know their number is great & precious, retain their firmness for the constitution & order," echoing, although in a more mild manner, Burleigh's description of a state under Federalist control. However, unlike Burleigh, Wheelock did not believe a Jeffersonian administration would declare war on the Constitution. Instead he calls the document "an anchor ground for the ship of storm," believing that the Constitution would maintain the principles of the Republic. He endorsed Jefferson, claiming that "whatever his religious principles may be, he will have the strongest motives of interest, and honor, & true policy, to be attached to the constitution & the general good, and to avoid the insulation of party."

Their voices were heard, and the House bestowed the title of President of the United States upon the supposed atheist and Constitution-hater, Mr. Jefferson. Timing, timing, timing. Oh how the Federalists' opinion, right in Hanover, changed with the circumstances. Although it is unclear how Wheelock and Woodward viewed Jefferson prior to Adams's defeat or how Burleigh or Davis's general readers saw him after, beyond displaying the regional political affiliations, their words reveal the power of the tediously printed press and elegantly styled ink for politics in the early Republic.

To see the newspaper article or letters, ask for:

Dartmouth Gazette (LH1.D3 D255, V1), Mss 801164 Wheelock to Freeman and Mss 801123.1 B. Woodward to Freeman.

Posted for Haley Shaw '15

Writing in Books

This edition of the works of Virgil (Venice: Juntas, 1552) is pretty standard in format for the time. Extensive commentaries of multiple writers frame ten to fifteen lines of Virgil on each page. The book turns into an active conversation between Virgil, Servius, Donatus, Mancinellus, Ascensius and others. But our copy also features the voice of a very active reader.

A note at the beginning of the book attributes the marginal comments to Germain Vaillant, Abbe de Pimpont, who prepared his own commentary on Virgil for Christopher Plantin in 1575. His notes are in Greek and Latin and fill nearly every bit of marginal space in the book. At times, he inserted extra blank leaves to give himself more room to gloss the gloss.

Ask for Presses J969v to join in the conversation.